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Definition of Illegal copying in the Legal Dictionary by Free online English dictionary and encyclopedia. What is Illegal copying? The reforms in Eastern Europe were not seen as a threat, and the Yugoslav leaders by no means felt endangered by these changes. On the contrary, the party leadership was success- ful in blocking the attempts of four successive federal prime ministers Djura- novic, Planinc, Mikulic and Markovic to implement a program of serious economic reforms, as demanded by the IMF and other foreign creditors.

The prime ministers, not the party leaders, regularly lost these intra-elite battles, being either marginalized Djuranovic and Planinc or forced to resign Mikulic. Being a leader of the non-aligned group of countries, Yugoslavia had a fairly indepen- dent foreign policy.

The western states certainly did not want Yugoslavia to disintegrate, and even less did they wish to see instability in the turbulent region. Yugoslavia was considered to be the first East European country which would join the European Community and already in the late s it had signed the first documents on co-operation with the EC. At the moment of its disintegration Yugoslavia had very few, if any, enemies in the inter- national community.

True, when it reacted, the international community demonstrated its incompetence on a large scale, contributing to further disastrous developments in the Balkans. But, Yugoslavia was already at a very advanced stage of its disin- tegration when in July foreign involvement took place for the first time.

Even then it was hesitant and, as Gow has noticed, showed a lack of will. He identified the state with himself, and concentrated all real power in his own hands. During his life, Tito was the key arbiter in political disputes.

He was above the law and outside the law. He was no longer just the supreme politician, but the state itself Tepavac, The main areas of state politics such as defense, foreign affairs and state security were considered to be his personal domains.

His cult of personality was never so omni-present as in the last couple of years of his life.

Furthermore, the constitution prevented anyone from replacing Tito after his death. When he died in May , there was no one to reconnect the broken bonds and to take decisions in the conflicts of inter- ests within the country. Yugoslavia, weakened to one person — Tito himself — died together with its ruler. The other person who decisively influenced Yugoslav politics was Slobodan Milosevic.

Many authors see the Serbian leader as a person who wanted to replace Tito by occupying the empty space of power vacated after his death Vejvoda, At the same time, Milosevic intro- duced the masses into politics, using them as a source of pressure in the intra- elite conflicts.

One needs, however, to be wary of being trapped into the other extreme. Yugoslavia did not exist or collapse because of one person only, even if its poli- tics has often in the past been largely determined by the will of a single strong man. Both Tito and Milosevic and any other political leader can be understood only within the context of the political processes that brought them to power and enabled them to influence politics in such a powerful way.

They were just as much products as they were initiators of political trends. They had to take into consider- ation the interests of other participants in politics and to find a compromise between their own views and those of others.

It is the complexity of intra-elite politics that one must not neglect when analyzing Yugoslav politics. The role of personality argument often does exactly this. Milosevic came to power as a representative of the main trends in Serbian poli- tics before him, and in crucial issues he largely followed a policy of continuity with his predecessors. The historical context in which Milosevic emerged as the undisputed leader of Serbia is often underestimated.

This neglect has resulted in the failure to properly understand his intentions as demonstrated, for example, during the war in Serbia. Failure to do so, I argue, is due to several methodological mistakes, such as — for example — the ideal type mistake, the prolepsis hypothesis, the coherence hypothesis, etc.

Taylor called him , who was much less identified with any ethnic group than King Alexander, due to the internationalist ideology he professed. As a Communist, to whom national allegiance was secondary to ideological affiliation, Tito became a supra-national arbiter in inter-ethnic conflicts. Legitimized by the internationalist ideology and not in parliamentary elections, Tito was not a representative of any existing group, but of a specific vision of the future. The gradual replacement of the ideological leadership with more representative leaders of republics and provinces meant the abandonment of this supra-national position at the top of the empire.

Unlike Tito and Kardelj in the ideological sphere , the rulers of post-Titoist Yugoslavia could not be seen as impartial arbiters but more as representatives of their segments of society.

Without an impartial arbiter in both ideological and political conflicts, the stability of Yugoslavia was undermined. The constitution was to large extent the beginning of the de-Titoization of Yugoslavia, which in real terms started only after his death six years later.

The system was projected to prevent anyone else becoming a new arbiter in the post- Titoist period. In order to become the new Tito which is how his supporters initially saw him , Milosevic had to change the constitution and destroy the existing political system of semi- confederalism.

But unlike Tito, Milosevic could not have been seen as impartial. He did not profess an ideology that would make him supra-national.

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On the contrary: identifying himself too closely with only one ethnic group the Serbs , he antagonized the others. Just like King Alexander but unlike Tito Milosevic was a representative of the Serbian political elite and not a person without links with any separate ethnic group before his potential accession to the Yugoslav throne.

Milosevic was hence a Tito in reverse.

In order to become a real Tito, he needed to turn the whole system upside down. When he attempted to do this, the others decided to leave.

Although the fall of empires argument links various elements of other approaches such as the weakness of nationalism; the role of personality; modernization and democratization; the role of ideology, etc. Yugoslavia was perhaps an ideological empire, but simi- larities with real empires of the past are certainly exaggerated in this approach.

It is this missing link that one ought to analyze in order to understand the Yugoslav crisis. Much of the misunderstanding of the Yugoslav conflict is the result of the under- estimation of the importance of the subjective in politics. These subjective factors are exposed to permanent change and are thus unstable. This is especially the case when one analyzes the Communist systems and their collapse. In Communist systems political actions were attempts to implement a set of ideas in political reality.

Communist politics is about the realization of the truth, in which the party — as Kardelj explained — has the role almost of a scien- tific institute. It is a collective intellectual. The intellectual debates within the political elite were in fact, if not the main acts of politics, then certainly the most suitable medium of real political struggle.

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Political conflicts in the socialist societies of Eastern Europe were often expressed as a linguistic debate over the correct interpretation of Marxism on the import- ance of language in Communist politics, see Waller, ; Bogdanovic, ; Havel, In reality, however, many interpretations emerged, struggling for the status of the official one. Since no other non-Marxist ideology was allowed to compete with Marxism, the intra-party debate on the real meaning of Marxism covered a much larger spectrum of issues than an observer in an ideologically pluralized society would expect.

In stricter times, when liberalization was in retreat, defeat in the struggle for the correct interpretation resulted in expulsion from public life, or even persecution, under the label of revisionism. If one really wants to understand the rationale behind the actions of the Yugoslav Communists, one needs to take their beliefs seriously.


What is relevant here is not whether these actions make sense to us but whether they made sense to them, to those whose actions we analyze and to the relevant segment of the political body upon whose approval the stability of the regime depended. It should not be our aim to judge the actions taken by the Yugoslav elite in either favorable or unfavorable terms, but to explain them by understanding the reasons the actors had for them. Skinner warns about two extremes in analyzing intellectual history — one linked to overestimating the context in which a text occurs, the other doing the opposite — neglecting the context by arguing that the text itself can be understood without much reference to the context.

Those mistakes are often committed by those who have analyzed the collapse of Yugoslavia so far. Coherence may be found horizontally or vertically in time. Horizontally, coherence is sought in actions across members of the same group, even if they differ in most relevant matters.

Vertically, coherence is sought in actions of the same actor over time. The myth of coherence therefore neglects or underestimates changes that occur over time and denies plurality within social groups. On a trip to LiverpoolEarnshaw encounters a homeless boy, described as a "dark-skinned gypsy in aspect".

He adopts the boy and names him Heathcliff. Wuthering Heights - Wikipedia Hindley feels that Heathcliff has supplanted him in his father's affections and becomes bitterly jealous. Catherine and Heathcliff become friends and spend hours each day playing on the moors. Three years later Earnshaw dies, and Hindley becomes the landowner; he is now master of Wuthering Heights.

He returns to live there with his new wife, Frances. He allows Heathcliff to stay, but only as a servant, and regularly mistreats him. After being discovered, they try to run away, but are caught. People to follow Catherine is injured by the Lintons' dog and taken into the house to recuperate, while Heathcliff la rascruce de venturi sent home.Finally, what the nationalism argument fails to explain is the growing sense of Yugoslavism among the population at the same time as ethnic nationalism was increasing.

Unlike Tito and Kardelj in the ideological sphere , the rulers of post-Titoist Yugoslavia could not be seen as impartial arbiters but more as representatives of their segments of society. These subjective factors are exposed to permanent change and are thus unstable. As Woodward argues, the economic crisis in the late s and early s triggered constitutional conflict, which resulted in the crisis of the state itself.

To kill a mockingbird eminem and rotterdam terror corps common sense, zedbazi oon yekio mikhad mp3. They also neglect the subjective, that is, the perceptions of the relevant political actors, as expressed through ideology.

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